Archivists often act as arbiters of memory, carefully organizing and documenting the artifacts that allow us to assemble pictures of history and cultural identity. Despite the theoretical objectivity of this goal, many archives are run from a distinctly Western/European perspective- and as such some identities are not ours to document. In a quest to document the tribal communities indigenous to the land that now compromises the United States, objects have been removed from their tribal homes and placed without permission in institutions with little concern for the perspective of the communities that created them. In recent years this paradigm has started to shift, with dynamic changes in law and archival practice leading to the repatriation of artifacts to their communities, and greater representation of indigenous people in archives with direct tribal influence and support.
The history of the United States is incomplete without note of the human rights atrocities committed by the government (and its citizens) against the indigenous communities already present before European colonization. Mass murder and extensive treaty violations are but a small part of a deeply problematic history, which extends to the removal of cultural heritage items for new placement in museums or archival environs dictated by a Eurocentric perspective. To put it mildly- cultures being stripped of stewardship of their own culture.
The Indians did not only lose their land during the struggle with the white colonizers, but also part of their ethnic identity. In a process of cultural revival most of the Indian tribes today are looking in museums for important symbols of their tribal identity: sacred objects. Sacred bundles, ‘War Gods,’ dance masks and many other ritual objects are still regarded as powerful items. Even more sacred, however, are the bones of their ancestors, which are stored in large number in various museums in the United States. (pg. 71, Bolz, 1993)
This shift owes its momentum largely to the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), which became law in November of 1990. NAGPRA highlighted some of the critical issues that tribes faced in regards to their own history and the way it was portrayed and used by institutions with zero tribal affiliation or guidance (Bolz, 1993)
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (Public Law 101-601; 25 U.S.C. 3001-3013) describes the rights of Native American lineal descendants, Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations with respect to the treatment, repatriation, and disposition of Native American human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony, referred to collectively in the statute as cultural items, with which they can show a relationship of lineal descent or cultural affiliation. (p1, McManomom for NPS, 2000)
Returning objects was not the societal norm before the NAGPRA was written into law, and even with its implementation, many institutions still possess substantial holdings of Native American cultural heritage. Even with NAGPRA’s intent clearly stated, many renowned institutions still possess extensive holdings of human remains, sacred objects, and other critical elements of tribal heritage many years after the fact (Museum of the American Indian).
This is not to say that no objects are being returned to their ancestral homelands. In addition to enlightening dialogues on how these items should be handled according to belief systems, some significant strides have been made that can be found in contemporary headlines. The Smithsonian has set up a repatriation department, which has outlets at both the Museum of Natural History and the Museum of the American Indian. It describes the duties of its office as upholders of the law, stating
This law and its amendment assert the right of Native American, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian peoples to determine the disposition of culturally affiliated human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony currently in the collections of the Smithsonian Institution. Out policy directs us to consider requests for the repatriation of the remains of Native American individuals whose identity is known, and objects acquired illegally. (p2, Smithsonian Institute’s Office of Repatriation)
While this does not make up for the institution’s past as a holder of such extensive collections, their collaborative efforts with tribes in recent history is starting to change the dynamic and response of large institutions to tribal requests.
Sacred objects are returned to the Apache by the Smithsonian in 2007. Photo retrieved from https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/the-road-to-repatriation-98420522/
The return of objects is a layered issue, which balances on the inclusion of tribes to dictate how these objects should be handled. In the case of 2007 repatriation to the Apache, certain precautions and steps were taken in order to respect the Apache culture as defined in these objects.
“The shipping crates featured breathing holes for the masks and revered artifacts inside, which Apaches believe are alive. Before sending them off, a medicine man blessed them with yellow pollen, a holy element that fosters connection with the creator…After a ceremony at the Heard Museum in Phoenix, Apache elders returned the objects to sacred mountains and sites in the Southwest where they believe the spirits reside” (Fletcher, 2008)
This level of awareness sits in direct contrast with the past pillaging that allowed for these collections to be assembled. With increasing press, institutions are progressing toward more ethical actions in regards to their own collections. As recently as October of 2018, the governor of California has signed a new measure to offer increased transparency to the Native American collections held by the University of California system (Morris, 2018). While this law is hopeful in its aim to pay stricter observance to NAGPRA ordinances, there is still the long road to successful implementation. Institutions like UCLA and UC Berkley both have significant collections containing human remains, and there exists some remaining confusion over how such laws will be enforced within the UC system if NAGPRA itself was not enough.
Another contemporary approach to this history is to seek out greater tribal influence on existing institutions, and collaborate on a manner which best expresses the Native American perspective and past. The Autry Museum of the American West is one example of an institution that is currently working to drastically increase awareness and correct this criminal lapse of attention. The recent recipient of a substantial grant from the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians, the museum is seeking to “put funds toward initiatives used to reach Native communities” (Greenberger, 2018). This sets a trend of greater inclusion of institutions reaching out to the tribes whose history they display.
“In a statement, Lynn Valbuena, the chairwoman of the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians, said, ‘Our partnership with the Autry Museum of the American West will increase indigenous peoples’ access, connections, and stewardship of their ancestors and material culture. It is out hope that not only out tribal community, but many others across California, will benefit from the healing and joy that such interactions with our ancestors can bring” (Greenberger, 2018).
These developments are helping to change the way certain histories are approached, thus changing the dynamics of representation and possession in museums and archives. Simply put, these actions are a start- but only that. Drastic actions need to be taken to better respond to tribal inquiries that have been pending for decades. Without repatriation, these communities are left with stolen histories told from a distinctly Eurocentric perspective. This is an issue that cannot be ignored in the archival community, and can only be corrected with the return of these objects and remains to their ancestral homelands.
References
Bolz, P. (1993). Repatriation of Native American cultural objects — confrontation or cooperation? Zeitschrift Für Ethnologie, 118(1), 69-77. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.du.idm.oclc.org/stable/25842296
Fletcher, K. R. (2008, November 25). The Road to Repatriation. Smithsonian.com. Retrieved from https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/the-road-to-repatriation-98420522/
Greenberger, A. (2018, October 18). Autry Museum of the American West Receives $414,101 grant from San Manuel band of Mission Indians. Art News. Retrieved from http://www.artnews.com/2018/10/17/autry-museum-american-west-receives-414101-grant-san-manuel-band-mission-indians/
McManamom, F. P. (n.d.). National Park Service: The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). Retrieved from https://www.nps.gov/archeology/tools/laws/nagpra.htm
Morris, M. (2018, October 2). UC will update Native American repatriation policies in accordance with AB 2836. Daily Bruin. Retrieved from https://dailybruin.com/2018/10/02/uc-will-update-native-american-repatriation-policies-in-accordance-with-ab-2836/
Protocols for Native American Archival Materials. (n.d.). Retrieved October, 2018, from https://www2.nau.edu/libnap-p/protocols.html
Smithsonian Institute. (n.d.). What is Repatriation? Retrieved from https://anthropology.si.edu/repatriation/whatis/index.htm
